roadmap

An Israeli View: Israel and UDI

In recent weeks, the two most senior moderate Palestinian leaders have put forth the option of Palestinian unilateral independence. In his Bethlehem speech in early August, which is now official Fateh policy, President Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) proposed a unilateral declaration of independence as one of two Palestinian fall-back positions in the event final status negotiations for a two-state solution fail (his other fall-back option is a one-state solution).

An Israeli View: Try a limited Phase III

In recent weeks, we have revisited phases I and II of the roadmap. In my assessment of the two sides' performance in Phase I, Israel was found most wanting, particularly on the issue of settlements and outposts, with the Palestinians having made a far more serious effort to fulfill their commitments regarding security and institution-building. Phase II was understood, upon reassessment, to comprise important components of US President Barack Obama's appeal to the Arab world to offer Israel incentives for freezing settlement construction.

A Palestinian View: Israeli government is the last obstacle to Phase III

The three phases of the roadmap are strongly interrelated. It is the role of the members of the Quartet not only to support the two sides in fulfilling their obligations under the roadmap but also to judge the readiness of each of the two parties to move from one phase to another.

Winning Back Israel

During his recent meeting with Egypt's President Mubarak, President Obama expressed cautious optimism about the progress being made in the Arab-Israeli peace process. While both presidents noted that there was "movement in the right direction," eight months of American direct engagement in the Arab-Israeli conflict has produced few tangible results.

A Palestinian view: Optional and problematic

The second phase of the roadmap was always the most problematic part of that document, particularly to the Palestinian side.

Phase II calls for the establishment of a Palestinian state with provisional borders for a transitional period. From a Palestinian perspective, this has serious problems, but the Palestinian side was able to live with the document because it stipulates that the clause about "provisional borders" was optional and would be implemented only if the parties agreed. In other words, the second phase does not have the same level of binding commitment that the first and last phases embody.

An Israeli View: Obama is deep into phase II

The roadmap seemed to have been stillborn in 2003 when it was introduced by the Quartet after extensive negotiations with Israel and the PLO. The principal obstacle to implementing it back then was leadership on all sides: US, Israel and the PLO.

Interview with Col. (res.) Dr. Ephraim Lavie: Fatah's success is dependent on "renewal... of the political process with Israel"

The Pulse recently interviewed Colonel (res.) Dr. Ephraim Lavie. He is Director of the Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research, Head of the Konrad Adenauer Program for Jewish-Arab Cooperation and a research fellow at the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies.

Pulse: In your opinion, what were the main accomplishments of the Fatah convention?

Lavie: Fatah's sixth general convention achieved significant goals in rebuilding the movement both from an organizational aspect as well as an ideological one. First of all, the internal elections for the Central Committee and the Revolutionary Council finally tipped the scales in the power struggle between the old and mid-generation of leaders.

A Palestinian View: Hostage to Israeli intransigence

The roadmap has recently attracted renewed and growing attention from politicians in the region and mediators exerting efforts to renew a political process between Palestinians and Israelis.

The document took on special importance after the appointment of George Mitchell as US envoy to the region with the brief to pursue peace-making efforts between the Israelis and Arabs. Indeed the roadmap, which became a document of consensus and a United Nations Security Council resolution, was originally based on a report that Mitchell himself drafted after his mission here in 2001.

An Israeli View: Still relevant

As we begin a review of the roadmap's three phases, it is fascinating to contemplate the enduring relevancy of this document. Back in 2003 when it was introduced, the clear impression of many observers, myself among them, was that the roadmap was stillborn. Palestinian President Yasser Arafat would interfere with the efforts of newly-appointed PM Mahmoud Abbas to restrain Palestinian violence. Israeli PM Ariel Sharon would insist on Palestinian compliance on ceasing violence before he froze settlement construction and removed outposts. US President George W.

A Palestinian View: Change is in the air—but that means conflict

There is sufficient evidence that the Obama administration intends to--is even determined to--change its image in the Middle East by pursuing an alternative approach to that of the previous administration.

The question remains, however, whether the US president will know how, and if he indeed can.