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The views shared on The Mideast Peace Pulse are those of the author(s) and not those of Israel Policy Forum.

IPF Letter in The New York Times

It is sobering yet productive that three distinguished Israelis are generating ideas despite the unfortunate but realistic conclusion that “a comprehensive peace agreement is unattainable right now.”

In Meeting, A Chance for A Regional Approach

Today, President Barack Obama meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu after weeks of speculation about how the two countries will address the threat of Iran potentially obtaining nuclear weapons, and with little expectation for progress on Israeli-Palestinian peacemaking.  However, the Iranian threat – coupled with the historic changes of governments across the Middle East – could actually serve as a strategic opportunity for these leaders to address Iran while advancing regional democratic efforts alongside Israeli-Palestinian peace.

The Right Balance on Iran

Israel Policy Forum applauds President Barack Obama’s commitment to Israel’s security outlined in his address to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee.

George W. Bush

The Thirteenth Palestinian Government

former Assistant Secretary of State & former Ambassador to Israel, Egypt and the U.A.E.

From the earliest days, once the Egyptian President, Anwar Sadat forced the United States back in 1978 to take an active role in resolving the Palestinian problem, we have largely focused our efforts on security and the key final status issues like borders and Jerusalem.

On Obama and Israel, rage without reason

Editorial Director, The Forward

Alarm bells have been ringing around the neighbourhood pretty much nonstop since July 13, when President Obama sat down to talk Middle East policy at the White House with a pack of leaders from a dozen American Jewish organisations.

An Israeli View: Obama is deep into phase II

co-editor of bitterlemons.org; former director of the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies at Tel Aviv University

The roadmap seemed to have been stillborn in 2003 when it was introduced by the Quartet after extensive negotiations with Israel and the PLO. The principal obstacle to implementing it back then was leadership on all sides: US, Israel and the PLO.

An Israeli View: Still relevant

co-editor of bitterlemons.org; former director of the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies at Tel Aviv University

As we begin a review of the roadmap's three phases, it is fascinating to contemplate the enduring relevancy of this document. Back in 2003 when it was introduced, the clear impression of many observers, myself among them, was that the roadmap was stillborn. Palestinian President Yasser Arafat would interfere with the efforts of newly-appointed PM Mahmoud Abbas to restrain Palestinian violence. Israeli PM Ariel Sharon would insist on Palestinian compliance on ceasing violence before he froze settlement construction and removed outposts. US President George W.

US Renews Sanctions Aimed At Syrian Meddling in Lebanon

Despite the positive developments in the past year in increasing diplomatic relations between the US and Syria, President Obama has decided to extend sanctions against Syria for an additional year.  According to a White House statement issued on July 30, 2009:

The President and the Secretary

Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of Connecticut

In Aaron David Miller's "The Much Too Promised Land," he suggests that a U.S. secretary of state with the strong and clear backing of the president is successful at Arab-Israeli peacemaking. Take George H. W. Bush (41) and James Baker. In contrast, when participants can see gaps between the president and secretary a la George W. Bush (43) and Colin Powell, little progress happens.

An Israeli View: A level US-Arab playing field

co-editor of bitterlemons.org; former director of the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies at Tel Aviv University

US President Barack Obama's speech in Cairo last week devoted unusual emphasis to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In this respect, the message was quantitative. Obama never mentioned the prospect of an Israeli-Syrian peace process and he devoted barely a sentence to the Arab Peace Initiative and little more to key issues like democratization and women's rights. But the Israeli-Palestinian issue got huge play, clearly reflecting the US administration's recognition of its centrality to the Arab discourse and decision to concentrate on it in the months ahead.

The Eight Percent Solution

Writer on Israel, American Jewry and American politics

As a practical matter, I support the Obama's administration's position for a halt to all construction in Israeli settlements situated across the 1967 Green Line.  The Israeli argument that "natural growth" be allowed is fallacious.  Why should settlers benefit from a government guarantee that no one else enjoys?

An Israeli View: Obama’s learning curve

co-editor of bitterlemons.org; former director of the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies at Tel Aviv University

US President Barack Obama continued his crash course on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict last week. He held an oval office meeting with Palestinian Authority President and PLO leader Mahmoud Abbas, while his conflict team, led by George Mitchell, met in London with a high-level Israeli team to discuss settlements and outposts. As Obama internalizes the lessons of these meetings and heads for Riyadh and Cairo this week, the prospects are perhaps not as good as he may have hoped. The reasons, not surprisingly, have to do with domestic politics and poor leadership.

The Axiom

Senior Research Associate at the United States Institute of Peace

Amidst the endless speculation and hand-wringing about this month's meeting between President Barack Obama and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, there's one simple truth about the relationship that receives far less attention: positive relations with Washington are vital for any Israeli leader.